UPSC CURRENT AFFAIRS – 06th April 2025

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EU–Central Asia Summit at Samarkand

EU–Central Asia Summit at Samarkand

Why in News?

The First Central Asia–EU Summit in Samarkand signifies a pivotal moment in Eurasian affairs, with the European Union asserting itself in a region long influenced by Russia and China. This engagement—symbolically rooted in the legacy of the Silk Road—signals a deeper ambition to reshape connectivity, trade, and regional alignments.

Geopolitical Context and Strategic Undertones

  • Shift from the margins to the center: Central Asia, once overshadowed by Soviet and post-Soviet geopolitics, is now drawing renewed attention due to its energy resources, mineral wealth, and transit potential.
  • Samarkand’s symbolic revival: As a crossroads of civilizations, hosting the summit in Samarkand reflects an attempt to reclaim historical agency and regional pride.
  • European recalibration: The EU’s outreach is driven by the need to diversify energy routes post-Ukraine war, reduce dependency on Russian infrastructure, and respond to China’s growing regional footprint.

Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor (TCTC): Reimagining the Silk Road

  • Bypasses Russian routes: The corridor is a strategic transport alternative connecting Central Asia to Europe via the Caspian Sea and South Caucasus.
  • Economic potential: It’s projected to boost regional GDP by 3–5% by 2030, creating new trade linkages and enhancing connectivity.
  • Challenges:
    • Massive investment needs (~$20–30 billion).
    • Risks of Russian and Chinese backlash, including economic or diplomatic countermeasures.
    • Dependence on multilateral coordination and sustainable financing.

Green Energy and Climate Diplomacy

  • Central Asia’s green potential:
    • Vast solar and wind resources, especially in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan.
    • EU’s €1.5 billion Water and Energy Program aims to modernize irrigation, expand clean energy, and promote climate resilience.
  • Climate alignment: The initiative complements the EU Green Deal and positions Brussels as a global leader in climate partnerships.
  • Limitations:
    • Institutional weaknesses in regulatory frameworks.
    • Risk of hydropolitical tensions, e.g., over hydropower between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.
    • Reluctance to reform state-dominated energy sectors.

Digital Connectivity – Competing Infrastructures

  • C4CA Initiative (Connecting Central Asia):
    • Promotes broadband development, e-governance, cybersecurity.
    • Offers an alternative to China’s Digital Silk Road, countering surveillance-heavy technologies.
  • Economic boost: Digital modernization could empower SMEs and startups, modernize state services, and improve transparency.
  • Challenges:
    • Digital sovereignty concerns in authoritarian regimes.
    • Resistance to adopting EU data norms.
    • Risk of digital inequality, especially in rural and remote areas.

Institutional and Normative Engagement

  • Support for WTO integration: The EU backs Uzbekistan’s accession to the World Trade Organization, aligning regional economies with global norms.
  • Cultural diplomacy: Includes educational exchanges, heritage conservation, and soft power initiatives to build people-to-people connections.
  • Frictions likely:
    • EU’s human rights and governance conditionalities may clash with authoritarian governance models.
    • Difficult balance between normative diplomacy and realpolitik.

Implications for India

India stands to benefit strategically and economically from this growing CA–EU partnership, provided it acts proactively:

  • Strategic alignment: The EU’s presence helps balance China’s regional dominance, aligning with India’s multi-vector approach.
  • Energy cooperation: India can explore trilateral ventures in renewables and grid integration, tapping into EU funding and Central Asian resources.
  • Digital infrastructure synergy: India’s digital stack (e.g., UPI, Aadhaar) offers a middle path between Western regulatory models and Chinese tech centralization—a potential area for joint projects.
  • Geoeconomic linkages: India’s existing investments in Chabahar Port and interest in the International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC) complement the EU’s corridor projects.
  • Shared concerns on security: A more connected and stable Central Asia serves India’s long-term interests in regional security and counterterrorism, especially post-Afghanistan withdrawal.

Balancing Ambition with Reality

While the EU’s engagement is couched in the language of cooperation and mutual benefit, deeper concerns persist:

  • Critics point to the risk of modern economic extraction, particularly in the race for critical minerals.
  • The narrative of connectivity, if not carefully grounded in local ownership, could replay older patterns of dependency.
  • The region’s complex post-Soviet identity—as reflected in Hamid Ismailov’s The Railway—underscores the tension between tradition, sovereignty, and modernization.

Conclusion

The First CA–EU Summit is not just a diplomatic milestone but a test of whether regional partnerships can be forged on equitable terms. As Persian poet Hafez warned, “The world is a bridge—pass over it, but build no house upon it.” The EU and Central Asian states must treat this moment not as a conquest or competition, but as an opportunity to create resilient, adaptive, and inclusive frameworks for cooperation in a changing world.

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